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Nuk keni hyrė [Hyrje - Regjistrohu]

Edito mesazhin Emri i pėrdoruesit:  Ke nevojė tė regjistrohesh? Fjalėkalimi:  Fjalėkalim i harruar? Subjekti: Ikona: Mėnyra e formatimit: Normal I avancuar Ndihmė Andale Mono Arial Arial Black Book Antiqua Century Gothic Comic Sans MS Courier New Georgia Impact Tahoma Times New Roman Trebuchet MS Script MT Bold Stencil Verdana Lucida Console -2 -1 1 2 3 4 5 6 White Black Red Yellow Pink Green Orange Purple Blue Beige Brown Teal Navy Maroon LimeGreen Mesazhi: HTML ėshtė Pasiv Nėnqeshjet janėAktiv Kodi BB ėshtė Aktiv Kodi [img] ėshtė Aktiv III. The story of the war In the discussions we had with former Chameria inhabitants and their descendants in the Albanian border region around Konispol (1998-2001) the prewar period was often interpreted in terms of harmonic symbiosis and corporate life with the Greek population. In contrast to this most of the persons spoken to claimed that there has been a long lasting ”anti-Albanian policy” regarding the Greek state. However the reminiscences of this policy become present only in connection to the Italian invasion in Greece and for the time thereafter. Refat remembers that: the Italians saved our life’s. If there wouldn’t be Italians the Greeks would have slaughtered us! - How did Italians help the Chams? - They helped out of this situation with the Greeks. While being here the Greeks didn’t touch us. - Did you have problems with the Greeks before/ - Before the Italians came, NO, there was nothing [bad]! The situation was mixed up by the Italians. This -at first sight- controversial account points at a social conflict that evolved in peace times, but during the war it was distorted into an unanticipated ethnic clash. These social conditions of the prewar time are revealed as well in a report of the Greek Communists in 1944: “... the violence of the Greek Gendarmerie delivered the Albanians to the Albanian propaganda, which was directed by the Italians. Every progressive and declared Cham element was persecuted ( ) they live under miserable financial condition, in spite of the richness and the fertility of the land, which is being exploited by the few (...)” (AYE 1943-44/2.3 report by the Pan-Epirotic Committee of EAM on the Albanian minority of Chameria 6.11.44.). The political disintegration of the Chams was at hand, and the ground for the great-Albanian propaganda was given. Very soon numerous voluntary Albanians would flee to the Italian Lines and parts of the Albanian population of Chameria would support Mussolini“s attack against Greece. Sulo S. remembers that the Italians “gave a salary of 5 Napoleons, 525 Lek, 5 Napoleons and 1 Dollar, Italy gave this to the poor... the seeds of enmity were sown ... these ones, which were dressed by Italy, they had to vanish when Greece won the lines back”. Indeed after Greece “s victory over Italy the support to the Italian army was paid back. The male Cham population without many exceptions were massively interned (October 1940) ”for security reasons” . A confidential report of a Greek captain (AYE 1941/15 from the 21.1.1941), who was in service in the region is disclosing ... except for the pure Albanian elements that acted jointly with the Italians against the Nation or followed them when retreating and of whom the properties and flocks were looted by the inhabitants the authorities of the gendarmerie of Thesprotia arrested about all of the male inhabitants of the Ottoman religion in the age between 15th or 16th to 60th and more, without exception neither of the Beys nor the Muftis and others of them were displaced and others vanished. Their properties were either plundered by the inhabitants, or were given over to third parties ...” The description of the chaotic situation is completed by the remark that 40 to 50.000 goats, sheep, oxes, donkeys and horses without masters roamed the area and the inhabitants or the police would appropriate them. The projection of guilt from parts of the minority to the whole group and their generalized “ethnic” sanctioning reproduced typical patterns of group and alliance formation. Not long thereafter when Greece was conquered through the blitzkrieg the Germans released the Chams and potentially won them over to their side . Both Italians and after 1943 Germans were engaging Albanians as combatants and regime - loyal partners, in particular for the security control over the region. Especially prosperous Chams and members of influential clans, like the brothers Dino (Mazar and Nuri) and their nephew Rexhep etc. became self-appointed representatives of the Albanian minority. By virtue of the occupying forces they gradually worked themselves into administrative and military positions in Chameria. Xhemil Dino was entitled as the ”High Commissioner of Thesprotia” in 1941 (Fischer 1999: 85). Mazar Dino climbed to the top of the ”fascist youth” (Krapsitēs 1985: 143-44). A political Albanian administration called ”Kėshilla” was founded in 1942, and after 1943 it was completed by fighting forces as well as a gendarmerie. This must have had a less political character during the Italian occupation, and was more a kind of military gendarmerie, which the fascists used to maintain as a security organ for their military. At the time when the Germans succeeded the Italians in July 1943 though, the Kėshilla seemed to elaborate in a political administration . In vain they tried to switch off the Greek occupation authorities. An official handing over of the administration to Albanian hands would automatically mean the annexation to Albania, a move that was not necessarily in the interest of the Athenian German headquarters. Notwithstanding the Kėshilla appointed itself to the supreme administrative office (with law-making power), subsequently ignored the Greek administration and introduced illegal taxes in order to find means for its men (AYE 1943-44/2.3: Gendarmerie of Thesprotia to the Gendarmerie of Epirus, 22.5.44.). A series of arbitrary measures were taken in coordination with the occupying officers, which in a certain sense instrumentalized the conflicts of the previous period. Among them the land-question was to be revitalized. Its implementation was mend to integrate the Chams in the fascists plans. As the witness of times Krapsitēs (1985: 143-44) writes in an opportunistic stroke powerful collaborators occupied again the agricultural property, which had been expropriated during the reform . The attempt to inverse the consequences of the land reform would engage the Greek authorities until the middle of 1944 . The land question also served the German occupying forces to win over the former large land holders through the inversion of the expropriations (AYE 1943-44/2.3 report by the Pan-Epirotic ). Unofficially the Albanians were supposed to take over the role of the warders in Chameria. An Albanian gendarmerie was created with its headquarters in Paramithia (Krapsitēs 1985: 144; Athanasakos undated.: 64). After 1943 also battalions with recruits of the Kėshilla were formed and later on were incorporated to German forces (AYE 1943-44/2: Gendarmerie of Thesprotia to the Gendarmerie of Epirus at 18.9.44). The Cham National Front (Balli Kombetar ēam), which was founded by Nuri Dino gained full German support since it was willing to fight both against Albanian and Greek communist partisans (Isufi 2002: 243). The military and armed units of the Chams were not independent, but were under the commando of the occupying forces. We don’t have very exact information for its size nor a detailed research on its activities. It is certain though that a series of criminal acts with a clear ethnic character were carried out in collaboration with the occupying forces. Assassinations of Greek officials , the mass retaliatory murder of the 49 heads of Paramithia , the looting and burning down of the Fanari-villages etc., were all deeds which the Chams were held responsible for. The extent of the terrorization of the Christian population is attested by the numerous applications from Christian farmers to be given permission to settle away from the region. Especially the inhabitants in the Muslim dominated region around Igumenitsa seem to have been affected . The in the beginning mentioned border village Sagiada was put on fire . The inhabitants today speak of an attack by Germans , which was strongly supported by Albanians of the neighboring village Lopėsi: “They even burned down the flourmills, I don’t understand that. They themselves used to make flour in these mills it was the Germans who brought them here, but what interest would the Germans have for Sagiada. It was the Lopėsis ... not all of them, but ...” The inhabitants had to flee and the village stood empty till the end of the war . However it is difficult to make definitive statements on the Albanian grade of participation in the systematical persecution of the Greek population in this region . Especially as there is evidence that the arbitrary rule of the Dino-clan was directed even against Albanians (Isufi 2002: 219). Certain is, that a series of well-known and notorious persons cooperated with the occupying forces in violent actions directed towards the Greek populations. Their actions stirred from a wide array of motives, and therefore are difficult to establish with the research data at our disposal. B. Fischer represents the opinion that a lot of Albanians collaborated without having recognized the national betrayal in it, “the more so since modern forms of western `Nationalism“ hadn’t yet gained foothold in Albania” (Europa unterm Hakenkreuz 1994: 367-68). This observation leads to a far-reaching and useful critic on the term “collaboration”, which evolved indeed as a counterpole to the western-styled state notion. Collaboration presupposes on the one side loyalty towards the state and on the other an identification with the nation, that is not to take as granted for the time we are dealing with and especially not for the case Albania –as Fischer elucidates. However the conclusion of the same author, that in Albania irredentism seriously had missed out its effect (ibda.: 371), can hardly be maintained for Chameria (or for Kosova). As a matter of fact there is no evidence of ideological affinity to Fascism or National Socialism. The motives of the collaborationists appear to result from an individual thirst for power and money during the Italian domination. This though had in a targeted manner brought ethnic contradictions to violent collisions and in self-purpose fueled the flames of serious collective resentments. The Italian’s attempts to instrumentalize the minority conflicts for their own purposes which became flagrant in the unsuccessful campaign for the ”unredeemed Latin brothers” by the Aromuns/Vlachs, didn’t actually fill the German Supreme Command with enthusiasm . In Chameria though the German Command seemed to face the fact that ”all partisan groups, the “national” and left were Greeks, in contrary to the Chams which almost without exception supported the Germans” and therefore the decision to take the side of the Albanians was given (ibda.: 387). None of our interviewers denied sympathies towards the war regime but acknowledged the guilt of collaboration to single persons and especially to the clan of Dino-family. In any case almost all were feeling abused since” yes, there were collaborators, Albanians, but also Greeks. But not all of Greece was accused, why all of Chameria? ( )”. Ever more a lingering sense of injustice was left to people who indeed joined any form of resistance during the war. Deaktivizo nėnqeshjet? Pėrdor nėnshkrim? Ndalo kodin BB? ! Fshini kėtė mesazh !

Kuvend-eDSH » Si mund te ulet ndikimi Grek ne RSH » Ēėshtja Ēame » Edito mesazhin

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